The history of political philosophy includes the theme of ideal government closely representing the interests of the "common good", the desires of the citizens as a whole and as they have a say in defining them.
Dr. McConochie sees the human history of government as reflecting an underlying human desire for direct control of and participation in government, with a corresponding slow trend from no government of large groups of people, to governments by single powerful leaders (military dictators, monarchs), to representative governments with representatives elected by public vote but catering to moneyed interests, to a hypothetical new form of democracy with representatives immune from special interest group control and carefully representing the best interests of the community overall defined by the citizens through an empirically refined system of polls and related processes.
Empirically, Dr. McConochie has found that the large majority of polled adults would prefer government serving the best interests of the community overall, as opposed to special interest groups. He has also found that the majority of citizens are pro-social, constructive, want government improvements and want more direct say in government decisions, such as how they are taxed and how revenues are distributed. These citizens tend not to trust top government officials to make major government decisions for them. Citizens of a warmongering disposition do.
An empirically-based ideal political party:
Suggested features.
Based on the pro-social features of government repeatedly recommended by classical and recent political philosophers, and based on the author's findings in studies of political psychology to date, one could argue that an ideal political party would incorporate features such as those below. The ideal party would be:
1. Flexible . Able to adjust to different cultures and features of societies from one period of history to another.
2. Comprehensive . Able to address a very wide range of issues, needs, human A rights @ or desires.
3. Responsive and inclusive . Able to hear and measure the input of all citizens affected by political issues. Repeated public polls can clarify current and evolving pubic desires re: government services.
4. Practical. Not just theoretical but able to be put into practice in a practical, affordable, appealing, doable manner in virtually any culture or society.
5. Empowering pro-social citizens politically . "Popular": of, by and for the majority of good, pro-social people. Doable by local citizens, by their methods, for their benefits. Correlations between pro-social traits and poll data can differentiate "good" from "bad" public desires. While various philosophers, particularly John Milton and John Dewey, have advocated education for both citizens and elected representatives, with the idea that this will improve government, my research implies that at least one politically relevant trait, Authoritarianism Endorsement, is independent of education, as well as of age and gender. Thus, education is unlikely to alter this trait. Fortunately, those who hold this position strongly are in a minority (less than 10% of the population). This dramatizes further the importance of government that truly empowers the majority of pro-social citizens.
6. Understandable . Clearly explained and presented so that average citizens can understand its rationale, design, structure and function.
7. Grass roots . A design that lends itself to development widely in many communities simultaneously, using local energy, interest and leadership.
8. Oligarchy-safe . Designed so charismatic and authoritarian leadership is not needed and indeed is out of place, and cannot usurp or destroy the organization. Designed, modified and run primarily by the people, not by a small elite oligarchy of citizens privileged by education, wealth, power, or other influence.
9. Affordable . A party that can find sufficient funding via individual party member dues rather than special interest group money.
10. Free of special interest group contamination , money and influence.
11. Economically powerful . Able to raise enough money to finance its operations and the campaigns of party-sponsored political candidates, even at the national level, without special interest group money.
12. Appealing , in meeting frequency, format, accessibility and content, to attract and hold millions of members spread throughout local communities and organized into regional, national and international networks.
13. Engaging. Providing opportunities for members to be actively involved in decision-making and appreciated for what they contribute to party activities.
14. Empirically-based. Having a party platform that is empirically based on scientifically obtained information, specifically sophisticated and regularly repeated public opinion polls of the general public and of party members.
15. Issue inclusive. Sensitive to all psychological traits and perceptions that are relevant to political behavior, including traits endorsing religious preferences, human rights, positive foreign policy, warmongering and peace-endorsement. Open to public opinion on all relevant aspects and issues of political import, e.g. from budget management and foreign policy to public employee wages and benefits to which public streets are repaired first.
FAQs about the Public Democracy model of government
1. Upon what theoretical, philosophical, historical and empirical underpinnings does Dr. McConochie's model for public democracy rest?
The history of political philosophy includes the theme of ideal government closely representing the interests of the "common good", the desires of the citizens as a whole and as they have a say in defining them.
Dr. McConochie sees the human history of government as reflecting an underlying human desire for direct control of and participation in government, with a corresponding slow trend from no government of large groups of people, to governments by single powerful leaders (military dictators, monarchs), to representative governments with representatives elected by public vote but catering to moneyed interests, to a hypothetical new form of democracy with representatives immune from special interest group control and carefully representing the best interests of the community overall defined by the citizens through an empirically refined system of polls and related processes.
Empirically, Dr. McConochie has found that the large majority of polled adults would prefer government serving the best interests of the community overall, as opposed to special interest groups. He has also found that the majority of citizens are pro-social, constructive, want government improvements and want more direct say in government decisions, such as how they are taxed and how revenues are distributed. These citizens tend not to trust top government officials to make major government decisions for them. Citizens of a warmongering disposition do.
2. What are the main differences between popular or public democracy and special interest group democracy?
Perhaps the most important differences are these:
Special interest group democracy, as practiced in the United States, and according to experienced politicians interviewed by the author, yields government legislative decisions that serve the special interest groups that contribute most heavily to legislators' election campaigns. Popular democracy would elect candidates from their organization whose campaigns would be entirely funded by party member dues, with no special interest group money permitted. Thus, their legislative votes would not be contaminated by outside money. They would be obligated by written contract with the party to be committed to serving the party platform faithfully in their legislative votes and efforts.
As initially conceived and studied by Dr. McConochie, a model party platform would be defined by the results of a three-step process carried out by the party: polling of the general public to determine what the majority of the public wants from government, research to define a variety of reasonable options (response options) for delivering via government what the public wants, and finally polling of party members to determine which of these options are most heavily favored. The chosen options become the current party platform. This process is repeated, perhaps every two years. In this way, the party guarantees that its current platform will always appeal to the majority of the voting public, making it easier to recruit members to the party and attract votes for party candidates.
Special interest group serving political parties are top-down organizations, with a few politically powerful persons at the top determining policy and engineering party activity, primarily around periodic election activity, fund-raising, etc. Popular democracy, as conceived, would be promoted by a party or parties, that are bottom-up organizations, with party chapters created by groups of citizens at will, following an empirically designed format to maximize satisfaction of participating members and successful party activities. These chapters would provide opportunities for all members to participate in monthly meetings to feel empowered politically in their local governments and eventually in state and national government. The party chapters would network with others to form larger groups, in a bottom-up process. Leadership of each chapter would come from local persons with aptitude for leadership. Leaders of state, regional and national party organizations would be nominated and elected by party members in their jurisdictions.
3. Why doesn' t Dr. McConochie start the new Popular Democratic Party himself?
For several reasons. His vocational interests and expertise are not in organization but in research and theory. Also, to be eligible for donations, registration under chapter 501-c-3 of the IRS tax codes requires that the business not be involved in politics, in the sense of not supporting or opposing political candidates for office or specific legislation. PDI can produce research findings that may support any political party with education and related services, but cannot exclusively support one party and not others or support political candidates per se.
4. But won't the formation of a new political party require a charismatic leader to get it started?
No. Indeed the new party is designed to rely on the leadership abilities of literally thousands of local citizens, persons elected locally and organizing and conducting the business of local party chapters following a model refined by research. These local leaders may be guided by PDI suggestions. The model suggests that they will eventually form state, regional and national organizations and elect appropriate leaders for these levels of the party. Leaders will be valued not for their inspirational, entertaining or charismatic qualities but for their ability and dedication to empowering local citizens to carefully decide what they want from government and elect party candidates that will promote the public interest through conventional legislative processes. This party is conceived as a grass-roots organization, with leadership and energy starting at the local level and moving outward and upward.
5. How can one trust the model of party structure and function proposed by Dr. McConochie?
The model proposed is based on numerous research studies asking people about many issues, such as what sort of political party they want, how they want it financed and what they want its mission to be. It is also modeled in part after the Rotary International organization structure, which has been successful for 100 years in many nations. As more research is done, the model will be improved. Because the model is based on what the majority of the public say in questionnaires they want, it is expected that this model will please the majority of citizens who try it.
The model will also be improved by actual experience, if and when it is up and running. Chapters (local groups) will be encouraged to share what works and what does not in their chapters, providing information that will benefit all chapters.
6. What name would suit a popular democracy political party?
Existing political parties could transform themselves following the popular democratic model. Or, a new party could form. In the spirit of public or popular democracy, this party should be named by the members of the party. The name "Popular Democratic Party" might be considered. The Internet domain name " PopularDemocraticParty.Com" has been registered by Dr. McConochie in case a new party is formed and wants this name.
7. Would promotion of public or popular democracy as defined necessarily change existing governments?
No, at least not until most elective offices are filled with candidates from this party or parties of the new type. Popular democracy as defined is realized through political party activity, not government activity per se. Popular democracy is government influenced by candidates for elective office who come from a party or parties that fund their campaigns exclusively from party member dues, all members paying the same dues. Thus, their candidates' decisions are immune from special interest group money and pressure. Therefore, the more such candidates fill existing legislative positions, the more a given government's legislation will serve the interests of the community overall, as opposed to the interests of special interest groups.
8. How long will it take to transform governments to the new model of popular democracy?
It may take only a few years or decades if the model catches on quickly. Or, it may take many decades, if the model catches on gradually. Research suggests that the majority of the public wants this new form of government, so it would seem to be only a matter of time before they make it a reality, either through this web-based effort or other efforts.
9. How could a new party of this new sort, that does not accept special interest group money, compete with parties that do?
120 million Americans voted in the presidential election in 2004. Research has shown that 90 percent of American adults want the new form of democracy. 90 percent of 120 million is 108 million. If only 20 million persons of these 108 million join chapters of a new party dedicated to popular democracy and each pay $200 per year dues, that would generate 4 billion dollars per year. If half of this money is devoted to supporting the election campaigns of candidates representing the new party, that would be 2 billion per year. All the other major parties raise 1 billion plus per year between them. For example, for the 2006 congressional races, the parties raised 2.6 billion. This occurs every two years. During Presidential election years, the amount goes up. Thus, if the party had enough dues-paying members, the party would have suff`icient funds to compete in election campaign advertisements and other expenses. The key to a truly powerful and effective new party would be having 20 million or more members.
In addition, it is possible that a new party of this model type will appeal to so many voters, once its platform and structure is well-known, that very little advertising will be necessary to win votes for party candidates. This will save money. The voters will know that party candidates represent the interests of the public because they are bound by contract to the party platform, which is periodically updated to deliver what the people want, as defined by polls conducted by the party.
